Against Feature Strength: the Case of Scandinavian Object Shift

In this article, it is argued that the distinction between strong and weak formal features can and must be eliminated. I will adopt the derivation-and-evaluation model of grammar, according to which Chomsky's computational system (CHL) functions as a generator which produces candidates that are evaluated in an optimality theoretic manner, and it is shown that the strong/weak distinction can be captured by assuming an interaction between a constraint that disfavors movement (STAY) and a constraint (family) F that requires checking of the formal features. The discussion of Scandinavian Object Shift shows that this is not just a reformulation of the original distinction, but has various desirable empirical consequences. The article concludes with a discussion of Scrambling of the Dutch/German type.